2017-03-06 16:08

美国的全球地位,特别是,必须判断在这个现实主义的背景下,只有与核动力的附加威胁,1945后,改变了在国际领域发挥的状态。核武器就保证“冷战”应运而生的双重军事威胁苏联和美国现实主义更加突出作为一个象征性的障碍,额外的‑领土的国家行动,然而,矛盾的是,减少攻击性干预作为赌注太高的可能性。现实主义的立场,在国际关系中的主导范式是这几个国家在加强时间可以提供给USSR阿森纳的竞争,美国和少数西欧国家‑状态。 共产主义在俄罗斯及其附属领土的衰落意味着国际事务中关于现实主义的界限的又一次转变。美国被单独作为世界唯一的超级大国,但它的真棒,预‑杰出地位是建立在经济实力而不是军事实力在过去。美国是一个独特的国家,不能定义在纯粹的功利主义的政治。此外,很大程度上是由于挥之不去的幽灵越南和渐进的,全球化的概念的崛起,美国在第二十世纪,不愿意使用其大量的政治和军事力量。因此,正如Philip Jenkins(2003:306)解释说,现实主义者认为美国的国界之外变得扭曲。


The global position of the USA, in particular, must be judged within this realist context, only with the added threat of nuclear power which, after 1945, altered the state of play in the international sphere. Nuclear weapons alone ensured that the term ‘cold war’ came into being with the dual military threat of the Soviet Union and America making realism more prominent as a symbolic barrier to extra‑territorial state action, yet, paradoxically, lessening the likelihood of aggressive intervention as the stakes were deemed too high. Realism’s position as the dominant paradigm in international relations was strengthened during this time as few nations could compete with the arsenal available to the USSR, the USA and a minority of Western European nation‑states.

The fall of communism in Russia and its affiliated territories meant another shift of the boundaries with regards to realism in international affairs. The USA was alone as the world’s sole superpower, but its awesome, pre‑eminent position was built upon economic muscle rather than military prowess as in the past. America is therefore a unique country that cannot be defined upon purely Machiavellian lines of realpolitik. Furthermore, largely due to the haunting spectre of Vietnam and the gradual, inexorable rise of the concept of globalisation, America in the twentieth century was loathe to use its vast array of political and military power. Thus, as Philip Jenkins (2003:306) explains, the realist view of America outside of its national boundaries became distorted.

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