2017-03-09 14:38

成功的过渡到民主政权的例子一般普罗维登斯的证据支持的观点,共识是至关重要的。民主转型是西班牙看到政府和反对派官员一起工作,一个可行的宪法框架在十月1977–蒙克洛亚协议看到各方妥协,包括社会党和共产党达成一项全面的改革计划,而在波兰团结和共产党谈判1998三月圆桌协议。在所有情况下,无论是对民主的原动力来自政府,反对派或两者,这里的关键是,关键球员走上民主化进程的最重要的方面,是要创造新的系统协议。 政治精英之间的共识当然难以实现。捷克共和国通常被认为是一个成功的民主转型的一个例子,但在现实中有困难,作为可以有困难的好例子。1990首次自由选举,看到一个大规模的政治精英的流失,同时,监督在1992选举中失去他们的席位的民主党领导人多数过渡。政客想分裂斯洛伐克共识被证明是非常困难的,只有经过“天鹅绒离婚”,任何程度的一致和已经在捷克的政治成就。同样,在邻国斯洛伐克的民主转型有暂时性的问题,具有更明显的排斥失败者在选举政治的影响。在那里,Vladimir Meciar,一个民族主义的民粹领袖享有选举成功的联合政府和反对派团体为契机,清除对手从精英立场和采取更严格的控制媒体的碎片。值得注意的是,反对派团体,看他失败似乎更致力于民主和市场改革比强硬的总理的斗争中被罢黜的总统科瓦奇办公室表示,在实现在他国政治一致和不感兴趣的政治家。


Examples of successful transitions to democracy from authoritarian regimes generally providence evidence to support the view that consensus is vital. The transition to democracy is Spain saw government and opposition officials work together and compromise on a workable constitutional framework – the Pact of Moncloa in October 1977 saw all parties, including Socialists and Communist agreeing on a comprehensive reform programme, whilst in Poland Solidarity and the Communists negotiated the Round Table Agreements in March 1998. In all cases, whether the initial drive towards democracy came from the government, the opposition or both, what was crucial was that key players reached agreement on the most important aspects of the democratisation process and on the new system that was to be created.
Consensus between political elites is of course difficult to achieve. The Czech Republic is often cited as an example of a successful democratic transition but in reality it had difficulties and serves as a good example of the difficulties that can be had. Its first free elections in 1990 saw a large scale turnover of political elites, whilst the majority of the democratic leaders that had overseen the transition losing their seats in the 1992 elections. Consensus with politicians anxious to split with Slovakia proved extremely difficult and it was only after the ‘Velvet Divorce’ that any real degree of consensualism has been achieved in Czech politics. Likewise, in Neighbouring Slovakia the democratic transition has had teething problems, with a more noticeable exclusion of losers in elections from political influence. There, Vladimir Meciar, a nationalist-populist leader has enjoyed electoral success with a coalition government and taken the fragmentation of opposition groups as an opportunity to purge opponents from elite positions and take a firmer control of the media. Notably, the opposition groups that he looked to defeat appeared more committed to democracy and market reforms than the hard-line Prime Minister His bitter struggle to oust President Kovac from office indicated a politician with little interest in achieving political consensualism within his country.